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UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 



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THE DESECRATION OF OUR HOMES. 



"JBe it ever so htiinble, there 's no place liJce Botnei" 



The issue between the President of the United States and Congress, 
on the prerogative of the President to use the army of the United 
States at the polls, and on the right of the Federal executive and 
judicial authorities to interfere at elections in the several States, 
has been raised and encouraged by reckless partisans for selfish 
purposes. Through it, they hope to carry the North. The}' have no 
expectations at the South. The vetoes are intended to inflame and 
madden the people, to divide their vote, and to excite them to break 
down and destroy' the power of pi'otecting propert}' and homes, now 
vested in the several States, to the end that monopolies, which 
through division of the people have grown strong, may be placed 
bej'ond local control, and so that the liberties of the people may be 
more easily taken from them. Our fathers believed that our govern- 
ment should be brought as near home as possible ; that the perma- 
nence of our free institutions depended on the protection of homes, 
and that the general government should be controlled by local 
influences near the homes of the people. They therefore gave only 
limited powers to the Federal Government. Even within the States, 
the tenure of nearly every local office is made dependent on the will 
of the people of the locality. Our people have derived their unex- 
ampled prosperit}' from local protection, and this has been secured 
b}' a nice balancing of local authorities, each against the other. The 
Republican party has become a mere tool in the interest of giant 
monopolies. Its sole present aspiration seems to be to break down 
and destro}' local protection, so that they ma}-, with greater impu- 
nit}', lev}- tribute on the industries, labors and accumulations of the 
people, and utterly destroy the conservative influence of homes. The 
leaders are, man}' of them, personalh^ interested in schemes for the 
wholesale plunder of the people, and manage to secure large portions 
of the spoils. The}' seek to remove protection and redress as far 
from the homes of the people as possible, and to make it as costly as 
they can. By means of the madness engendered through sectional 

[Copyright by Mcnroe Stevens, 1870.] 



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strife, monopolies as broad as the land itself, have been suffered to 
grow and gather strength, and to obtain control of the general gov- 
ernment. Intelligent and patriotic men have united in their pro- 
tests. At the polls, the further success of their schemes have been 
rendered doubtful ; and. in utter desperation, they ai-e now prepared 
to inaugurate new schemes to utterl}- destroj- the influeuce of home, 
by removing from those homes means of redress. They now seek to 
destroy' the nice balance of power which alone has secured homes 
and prosperity to the people ; to crush out local authority, which 
alone has held monopolies in cheek ; and to concentrate in the Fed- 
eral executive ;ind judiciary, and in officers appointed by them, the 
control of our liberties and fortunes. The Republican party has 
succeeded in inaugurating a president not elected by the people, but 
who holds his office by the decision of judicial officers. These judic- 
ial officers are not appointed by the people, but hold office for life, 
and use it against them ; and to these officers, irresponsible to the 
people, the leaders of this part}- are transfering the powers usurped. 
The people of the North maj- well be proud of their public schools, 
and of their general system of education. But, to a maddened and 
bewildered people, even learning and intelligence become snares. 
Know not the intelligent that anger and rage render men blind to 
reason and deaf to common sense ? And these crafty partisans pur- 
poselv incite these passions to confuse and bewilder the people, so 
that the}- may not realize that it is becoming less and less possible 
for honest merit and sterling industr}- to acquire a competence, or a 
home, or even to hold those riglits and privileges alread}- earned bv 
the sweat of the brow. Why will the people shut their e3-es, when 
cunning, craft, fraud and gambling, instead of honest labor and ster- 
ling integrity, bring wealth and affiuence? Not inflamed with pas- 
sion, the people would see that constant application to business and 
honest industr}- secure no adequate rewards, while greedy favoritism 
and grasping combinations bring these partisans colossal fortunes. 
Men enraged by sectional strife and passion totally neglect matters 
near their homes, which most concern their temporal happiness. As 
a natural consequence of this neglect, the burdens on honest indus- 
try are constantly increasing, and are becoming too heavy to be 
borne. Already industry is neglected. Many men, who. a few- 
years ago, were hard working and industrious, under the policy 
of these unscrupulous partizans, have become totally demoralized, 
and now, neglecting their useful callings, march as tramps up and 
down the land. Large classes of men are laying aside their settled 



habits of industiy , and in despair of obtaining an honest livelihood by 
their individual exertions, are forced to assist unscrupulous and dis- 
honest men in firmly fastening systems of monopoly, absolutel}' de- 
structive to individual enterprise, upon the land. Millions of men 
now hang as parasites and helpless dependents on some odious mo- 
nopol}' or corporation, — monsters which have no body, no soul, no 
other instinct or attribute than to rob, plunder and extort from men 
and women their hard-earned wages. And these monsters are to be 
placed be3'ond the control of the people. Created originally as their 
servants, they are fast becoming their masters ; and the partizans, 
who incite strife and rage among the people, are well rewarded 
agents for destroying their liberties and fortunes. It is time men 
ceased their senseless rage. Either this country- will become one 
great s^'stem of monstrous monopolies upon which men and women 
will hang as miserable parasites and abject dependents, or else this 
strife must cease, and men must mutually unite to protect their re- 
spective liberties, fortunes and homes. 

What an outburst of patriotic enthusiasm our civil war developed. 
The war found the people of the North industrious, contented and 
happy. The fondest aspiration of the Northern freeman was to pos- 
sess a home of his own, well guarded b}' local institutions. It was 
the leading instinct of the Northern laborer. The very occasion of 
the war was an attempt on the part of slaveholders to use the cen- 
tralized power of the Federal government to check their instincts of 
freedom, to make it lawful to hold slaves in au}^ part of the Union. 
Did not Robert Toombs declare that he would call the roll of his 
slaves on Bunker Hill? The early Republican part}- was the strong 
advocate for local rights and local protection. On the statute books 
of many Northern States, personal liberty bills still stand unrepealed 
as enduring monuments of its early devotion to State rights. How 
clamored the Republican part}* when, at the time of the rendition of 
the negro Burns, Federal dragoons marched with cannons primed and 
rifles loaded through State street at Boston. At that time, homes 
were well secured, and men were contented and happy. Out of this 
issue of State rights, originated the rebellion. The South demanded 
Federal interference within the State. The North contended for local 
self-government. The early Republican party was the champion for 
free labor, free homes and for free soil. Whence the change? 

The enthusiasm of the people did not extend to the monopolist. 
They had acquired a habit of encroaching on the people's rights. 
They had acquired their monopolies little by little from grants of 



State legislatures, often through combinations of persons, each of 
wiioni desired a small privilege. The one bargained with the others, 
anil little privileges were from time to time bartered awa}-. Contin- 
ued success rendered the monopolists bold. Corrupt bargains were 
made, until now railroad monopolists openly boast that •' every etfort 
had to control railroads by means of legislation, ended in the railroads 
buyiug up the legislators." And other monopolists make similar 
assertions. The schemes of the monopolists were against the com- 
mon rights of the people. Seasons of popular discord and strife are 
their periods of harvest. The great civil war was their opportunity, 
and they improved it. Monopolies, granted in trust for the people, 
and for their benefit, were converted into instruments of extortion. 
Men implored patriotic assistance. The monopolists, possessing a 
large balance of power, held aloof for a trade beneficial to their own 
interests. They received bids from both parties. The price de- 
manded was excessive, but the party who ultimately secured their 
assistance might win. The North offered tlie most favorable terms. 
The people were obliged to pledge to them the entire gold and silver 
income of the country. The bargain was concluded, their agents 
were placed over the Federal treasury to ensure the performance of 
their forced bargains. No gold or silver remained for the soldiers. 
They thus forced upon the country a paper currency. Gold flowed 
into their coffers, and was freely used to increase and strengthen 
their monopolies, while paper money alone was left for the soldiers 
and laborers of the country. The combination was successful. Gold 
and silver were taken from the people. Having secured it, they 
entered into a vast conspiracy to plunder and enslave the people. 
They had control of the National treasury. Having forced the issue 
of paper money, they, \\ hile the gold was in their possession, forced 
a contraction. Silver was demonetized. The paper money, after 
having stimulated prices, was withdrawn by taxation on the indus- 
tries alone, while the bonded debt, already in their hands, was in- 
creased. More elfectually than by fire and sword, they deliberately 
proceeded to deprive men and women of their fortunes and their 
homes. Fire and the sword actually destroy, but these monopolists 
did not destroy, but gathered in and foreclosed as their property the 
homes and industries of the people. Now, eithir in mortgage or in 
fee, they own many of our homes, control our business, and render 
waixes for labor so low as barelv to save the laborer from starvation. 
Nearlv one-half of the available land of this country is now so held. 



The records of title are open to the people, who may see for them- 
selves, yet intelligent men, blind with sectional rage, close their eyes. 
Well did Bancroft, the historian, while reviewing the history of 
this country, recalling the oppressions which corporations, during its 
early days, put upon the people, utter these prophetic words of 
Avarning, "Corporate ambition is deaf to mercy and insensible to 
shame." To the student of our early history, it excites no wonder 
that our fathers hated the name, " corporation," and that at the time 
of the Revolution, the influence of corporations had almost disap- 
peared. So few and so bereft of political power were they, that in 
framing our Federal Constitution, our fathers, forgetful of their past 
usurpations, neglected to guard their posterit}' against their shame- 
ful avarice and corruption. Afterwards, during the early days of 
our great enterprises, corporations were created solely to save public- 
spirited citizens from ruin and bankruptcy' through the possible fail- 
ure of uncertain enterprises of great public advantage. Men were 
willing to risk limited sums in a doubtful enterprise for the public 
good, but were not willing to bankrupt themselves. The enterprises 
were often successful. On their success, the then limited liability 
should have ceased. Stockholders, as well as other contractors, 
should have been held to contracts made for their benefit. No more 
immortal monsters should have been created to destroy mortal man. 
But a precedent had been established, and unscrupulous men seized 
the opportunity. The genius of Daniel Webster was retained, and 
in an evil moment for this country, he induced the Supreme Court of 
the United States to decide that a charter of a corporation was a 
contract with the State that chartered it. Our fathers, for the pro- 
tection of honest dealing between men, introduced into the Federal 
Constitution a provision that " No State should pass a law impair- 
ing the obligation of contracts." The framers of the Constitution 
here had utterl}- failed. An opening was made to let in fraud and 
corruption. The plague which afflicted their fathers, now afflicts 
their children. The doctrine of the Supreme Court was extended to 
all corporate charters. The corporation was held able to receive 
grants from the State. Its charter was uniformly held to be a con- 
tract between it and the State creating it. It was adjudged 
capable of accepting all laws enacted in its favor, and to receive the 
benefit of such laws as additional grants, but it was not bound by 
laws detrimental to its pecuniar}' interest, or its vested monopol}'. 
Laws accepted, were held to increase its chartered right. Laws 



which narrowed its monopoly, were held to be laws impairing the ob- 
ligations of contracts, and therefore of no effect. A corporation 
could accept and receive new rights and privileges taken from the 
people, but however injurious to the people their exercise might be, 
neither Congress nor the States, under the ruling of the Courts, could 
annul or abrogate them. Corporations became snares for destroying 
the liberties of the people. Ever}- privilege and liberty once surren- 
dered to a corporation, b}' the rulings of the Federal Courts, was 
lost to the people forever. 

Under the Federal Constitution, the power to define its meaning, 
and the meaning of laws of Congress made thereunder, as well as 
the power to annul any State law upon the ground that it conflicts 
with the Constitution, has been vested in the arbitrar}- discretion of 
Federal judges. They may, b}' their judgments, deny and destroj- 
the rights of men far more effectually than corrupt legislators. Their 
construction ma}- make good laws full of evil. The}' may absolutely 
dictate Congress. They annul laws at their discretion, and destroy 
and undermine the reserved liberties of the people. Over these 
judges, the people practically have no control. Once in office, their 
title is made more secure than that of European potentates. Neith- 
er the States, nor the people, nor their representatives in the popu- 
lar branch of Congress, have any direct voice inr their appointment. 
The power to nominate these judges is now vested in the President 
alone. Under such a secure title, possessing such unbounded pow- 
ers, if corrupt or mad, they are dangerous to the liberties of the peo- 
ple. To their mad and corrupt rulings in favor of monopolists of 
human labor, more than to any other cause, do we owe the rebellion. 
Under their rulings in the Dred Scott case, people, human beings, — 
men who were born free in a Northern State and educated in its 
schools, — whose fathers heroically fought in the war for Independ- 
ence and died in its cause, — who were people of the State within 
which they lived at the time of the adoption of the Constitution and 
among those who ordained it, — were declared not to be citizens of 
the United States, and because they were not citizens, not entitled 
to the protection of Federal Courts. They were declared aliens 
without a country, although born and bred amongst us. Who will 
dare to say that the Supreme Court of the United States did not 
then strike at the liberties of the people, and did not then inflame 
the monopolists of labor to rebellion? And decision after decision 
in the interest of monopolies, have been made against the people. 
While under their decisions, the descendants of the patriot colored 



heroes of our Revolution were excluded from these Courts, because 
thej were adjudged not citizens, another class of fictitious persons, 
without souls, without bodies, or an}' other human attribute except 
avarice, and an inherent instinct to extort, were admitted before 
these Courts in full standing. Corporations, on their charters alone, 
without association with men, appear before such Courts as privil- 
eged citizens, and engross most of their attention to the exclusion 
of real citizens. These Courts are almost devoted to enhancing and 
fostering monopolies. Libertj'-loving members of Congress are now 
endeavoring to protect poor men from being dragged, at the instance 
of these monopolists, before these Courts where it is impossible to 
obtain justice, but their humane efforts have been rendered nugatory 
b}' partizans who are engaged in inflaming sectional strife and hatred 
among the people. The practice of these Courts has been made dif- 
ficult, costly and tedious, and utterly bej'ond the reach of honest 
people. Men and women are mortal, and short periods of action 
are left to them, while by the decisions of these Courts, the corpo- 
ration is blessed with immortal life, and may, while subsisting on 
the plunder of the people, continue the work of subverting their lib- 
erties for generation after generation. During the short period 
allotted to human life, men and women have no opportunity' to 
secure protection. And liberty after libert}', privilege after priv- 
ilege, immunit}' after immunity, are destro3'ed, while on the plunder 
obtained, war is incessantl}' waged against the people. Nothing is 
clearer than that these fictitious persons should have no standing 
in Federal Courts. And corporations created in one State, pursue 
their plunder in all others. And these partizans, who inflame the 
people to sectional discord and hate, are men who share this s^'S- 
tematic plunder. 

And these partizans have so far succeeded in their usurpations, 
that the chair of the President of the United States is no longer filled 
by the election of the people, but b}- the appointment of these judges. 
The Federal judges appoint the President, and the President in his 
turn nominates the Federal judges. Two branches of our National 
Government are now run in defiance of the people. And these par- 
tizans accomplished the usurpation while the people were blind with 
sectional rage. 

To detail all the rulings in favor of monopolies, and against the 
people, rendered b}- these Courts as the law of the land, beginning 
with those eai'ly made in the interests of monopolists of inventions, 
where the very spirit of the Constitution was set at naught, and the 



8 

inventor, instead of receiving the money paid b}' the people for the 
use of his invention, was, if fortunate, compelled to be satisfied with 
the crumbs which fell from the hands of monopolists, who. under the 
decisions of these Courts, had acquired the control of his invention, 
and for their own use, were permitted to levy unconsionable tribute 
on the people, little of which enured to the inventor, and ending with 
the late decision of the Supreme Court in favor of Pacific Railroad 
monopolists, where land of greater extent than is contained within 
the bounds often sovereign States, which had been granted to these 
monopolists upon the express understanding that the land should, 
after a certain period, be open to pre-emption to actual settlers for 
homes, at the Government price per acre, were declared discharged 
of the trust. — to detail them all. would excite intense indignation. 
It would occupy volumes. The rulings of these Courts have almost 
invariably been in favor of monopolists, and against the people. The 
greenback, the only money received by our soldiers for their pay. 
only escaped judicial repudiation by packing the Supreme Court with 
judges fresh from the people. The people must not depend upon 
Courts as now constituted for the preservation of their property and 
their homes. In the interests of grasping monopolies, they wage an 
unrelenting war upon the people. 

And now new combinations in the interests of these monopolists 
have been formed to break down the powers of the direct represent- 
atives of the States, and of the people of the several States in Con- 
gress. Under the Constitution, and within its scope. Congress is 
the sovereign power of the nation. To two-thirds of both branches 
of Congress is exclusively entrusted the absolute power to make any 
Constitutional law ; to provide and create all inferior Courts, and to 
provide the sole manner and methods of securing to the people the 
use of any Federal Court ; to deprive the Supreme Court of all 
appellate jurisdiction ; to remove at their own will and discretion by 
impeachment, any Federal oflacer, even to the I'resident himself, and 
to render him ineligible for re-election ; to take from the President 
the power to nominate all inferior officers, even perhafis to the Judg- 
es of the Supreme Court, for by the very words of the Constitution 
it is not certain that they are not included in the catalogue of infe- 
rior officers, and to vest the power of ai)pointment in the heads of 
departments created by themselves ; :m<l even the .sovereign power 
to propose amendments to the Constitution itself, which on ratifica- 
tion within three-fourths of the States, might abolish every office. 
These powers are all entrusted by tlie Constitution to Congress, and 



over their exercise as they see fit, no executive or judicial officer 
has any voice or control whatever. Yet even with these high sover- 
eign powers, Congress is but the agent of the States, for on appli- 
cation of two-thirds of the States, Congress is required to call a 
Constitution Convention, composed of delegates selected by the sev- 
eral States, to propose amendments, which, on the ratification b}' 
three-fourths of the States, ma}' abolish even Congress itself. 
, The Congress in which such high and sovereign powers are invest- 
ed, is composed of a Senate, whose members stand in the place of 
the States, which, in all matters, not within the purview of the Con- 
stitution, are sovereign within their territories, and a House of Rep- 
resentatives, whose members stand in the place of the people within 
the several Congressional Districts of each State. Each State, and 
the people of each District, stand represented in Congress b}' 
men pledged to protect local interests. The people cannot all 
gather at an assembl}*. It would be too vast for business, so 
delegates must be selected to act for them. Congress thus repre- 
sents the will of the assembled people of the several States, on 
national matters entrusted to them by the Constitution. And in 
order that the will of the people of the localit}' should be expressed, 
and that local interests should be guarded, thej' should be permitted 
to choose their delegates without the interference of other States or 
other people. Otherwise there can be no true representation. To 
guard against fraudulent usurpation in the State, and to exclude the 
necessity of any Federal interference whatever, each branch of Con- 
gress is made the final and conclusive judge of the election and re- 
turns of its own members. If the election be unfairl}- conducted , 
Congress is the sole judge, and ma}' exclude or expel a member so 
chosen. To the other branches of the Federal Government no su- 
pervisory powers are granted, for under the Constitution, the repre- 
sentatives are apportioned among the several States, the persons 
entitled to vote are designated by the law of the State in which the 
election occurs, the election is called l)y State officers, and the dele- 
gates chosen receive their certificates of election from the Executive 
of such State. Nothing is left to be performed by the Federal Ex- 
ecutive or judicial officers. 

And to this independent and sovereign Congress our fathers in- 
trusted the powers named in the Constitution. These powers were 
designed to be used for the preservation of State sovereignties, and 
to secure home governments through the States for the people. It 
was intended to intrust matters, of great national interest alone, to 



10 

Congress, and to intrust to the States the independent administra- 
tion and control of local matters. It was intended to render men as 
free as possible from govermental restraint ; to render their homes 
secure ; to bring redress for their grievances to their very doors. 
Our fathers had no conception of the result of their work. Retiring- 
genius was encouraged, and through its labors, new national inter- 
ests have arisen as broad as the country itself, and against the 
usurpation of which, the sovereign powers of the States have proved 
utterly inadequate to protect the people. Congress had no power 
to legislate on the subject. New laws were necessar}-, and these 
laws were established by adventurers, and afterwards were sustained 
as laws by the Federal Courts. The Federal judiciary have really 
made more laws than Congress itself, and some of their laws have 
proved oppressive to the people, and destructive of their liberties. 

The introduction of the railroad marked an epoch in our history. 
It soon became apparent that interests were created too extensive for 
local control. Upon vast, but disconnected lines, our people became 
dependent for their daily bread. Under the Federal Constitution, 
the early construction and operation of railroads were left to the 
control of the several States within which the}- were located, and by 
the several States the work was intrusted to private corporations, 
whose powers were limited to their particular line of road within the 
State ; the State intending to retain powers of supervision sufficient 
to protect the people. But the railroads became national necessi- 
ties, and beyond local control. As well might a State attempt to 
control the ocean, as an extended line of commerce over connected 
roads lying in different States. Our fathers, while framing the Con- 
stitution, had no conceptions of railroads, but they saw that the free 
government that they had inaugurated would stimulate individual 
genius to mighty efforts, unfolding vast changes. They therefore 
provided that the Federal Constitution could be amended. So 
strongly were they impressed with the necessity of future amend- 
ments, that the power of proposing them was not only extended to 
Congress, but was also, in case of their ueglect or refusal, reserved 
to the States themselves, through their Legislatures. Amendments 
to meet and control the developments of genius, which, when unregu- 
lated, are always monopolized by adventurers, and turned against 
the people, were esteemed necessary to the preservation of the liber- 
ties and homes of the people, and to the perpetuation of the Federal 
Union. Our fathers have told us in the Constitution itself, that if 
llie peopU- wished U) remain free, they must, when the necessities 



11 

require it, amend the Federal Constitution, and this power is in no 
WKj intrusted to the Federal Executive and judiciar}-. And with 
good reason, for the encroachments to be dreaded loere executive and 
judicial encroachments, and therefore all power of interference was 
absolutely denied to them. 

Under the laws as prescribed in the Federal Constitution, no 
means for regulating the consolidation of lines of commerce over 
disconnected roads were provided. Power was invested neither in 
the nation, nor in the several States. By judicial decisions, both 
Congress and the States were denied the power. But such consolid- 
ation was a national and an inevitable necessity. What could not 
be done lawfully, was of necessity to be performed. And it was ac- 
complished by adventurers, whose success was accomplished revo- 
lution. The Courts, bewildered, were induced to affirm hasty and 
ill-considered opinions. They were forced to depart from the letter 
and spirit of the law. Amidst their embarrassments all was novel. 
There were no well-considered precedents. — no beacon lights of his- 
tory appeared to guide the upright judge. It was a period of change 
and confusion. Conservative stockholders, fearing the untried fu- 
ture, fought against the inevitable. The meetings of stockholders 
became stormy. The adventurers caring for no law, were often 
equal to every emergenc}'. New methods for controlling corporation 
meetings were devised. Merchants and traders favored consolida- 
tion. It secured econom}- and despatch in extended trade. Com- 
merce knows no humanity, no liberty, no human rights. In com- 
merce, the weak are alwa^'s the victims of the strong. The system 
of selling stocks on margins was devised to control the officers of 
railroad corporations. Stocks were sold for a small advance, and 
pledged for the ])alance of the purchase money. By this means, 
many votes were procured for a small price. In mercantile commu- 
nities, judges often upheld and encouraged the schemes. At corpo- 
ration meetings, the adventurers often secured its offices. Once in 
office they encouraged reckless speculation. When appeals were 
made to the law, justice was tardy. Interested judges dela3-ed the 
day of trial, and honest judges, confused, knew not how to decide. 
Control once obtained of contiguous roads, speedy consolidation was 
accomplished, while judges remained bewildered. Having obtained 
control of trunk lines, tariffs were modified, despatch was secured, 
and merchants, traders and the people were temporarily benefited. 
Through high salaries and discriminating tariffs, the officers and 
their confederates were enabled to support and pay the margins. 



12 

The result -was apparent relief to the merchant, the trader and the 
people, and the}-, satisfied with teinporar\- relief, acquiesced in the 
revolution. 

The contest continued within the corporation. Between the hona- 
fide stockholders and the adventurers war was still waged. Pos- 
sessed of temporar}' support, the adventurers assailed the rights of 
the stockholders, and usurped their powers. In their interest, 
mortgages of the road were made, and stocks were watered. The 
original stockholders could find no redress. The adventurers had 
little interest in the. permanent value of the stocks; their interests 
were better subserved by making their value unstable. The courts 
still confused, often sustained the officers in their ag^grression. Busi- 
ness was no longer transacted openl}-, but at private meetings of the 
officers. Fictitious dividends, not earned in legitimate business, 
were declared, to delude the disfranchised stockholders. Divisions 
were inflamed among the stockholders themselves. Slowly and 
surelv the adventurers narrowed the powers of the stockholders. 
Paper money was purposely depreciated to effectuate their design. 
Dividends remained nominally the same, so that the stockholders 
were not alarmed. They fancied the depreciation wholl}' the result 
of the war. Whole lines of road fell under the control of the ad- 
venturers. And once established in power, through ruinous compe- 
tition the consolidation of other railroads was effected, and all fell 
under their control. The adventurers are now styled railroad kings. 
Through the price of bread they ma}- now control the people. 

The adventurers who declaim so loudly about a repudiation on 
the part of the people, never threatened by them, and about defraud- 
ing widows and orphans, ruthlessly destroy the value of their stocks. 
They have occasioned more loss to honest people, and more demor- 
alization among them, than wholesale repudiation. The swindled 
stockholders are frightened by shadows of a general repudiation, yet 
under the present .system, it is only a matter of time when their own 
shares will be foreclosed. The stockholders' only hope is in making 
a common cause with the people against the adventurers, who, by 
exciting mutual fears and dissensions, are robbing both the stock- 
holders and the people. 

Prior to the Civil War. the Federal Courts had hewed out for the 
adventurers a path uncontrolled either by National or State author- 
ity. Among the local banking institutions, created to stimulate and 
encourage home industry, the adventurers found implacable oppo- 
nents. Designed to meet their bills at sight, these bauks stoutly 



13 

maintained railroad stocks at stable prices. Tliese stocks were fa- 
vorite assets for banking securities. While stocks were so held by 
the banks, the}' were unavailable for the adventurers' purposes, so 
the}- sought to substitute other securities in their stead, in order 
that these stocks should be released and thrown on the market as 
speculative merchandise. 

During the war the Government needed money. Public clamor, 
artfully inflamed by the adventurers, demanded pecuniary assistance 
from the local banks. Banks, as then organized, devoted their whole 
capital to stimulate and encourage local industry. The v,ar in- 
creased the demand for these purposes. Armies w^ere to be equipped, 
transported and fed. Most of this was done in the first instance b}^ 
private enterprise. The banks themselves had no means to assist 
the Government, and at the same time to honor their bills. Pres- 
sure was brought against them through our Legislatures. The 
banks, in order to lend to the Government, were forced to leave 
their bills dishonored. They were authorized still to circulate all 
their bills as money, and to continue their business of discounting 
notes. Greenbacks became common, and floated at par with their 
dishonored bills. When discounted notes became due, no law re- 
leased makers and endorsers from prompt pajment. They were 
paid with greenbacks and bank notes indiscriminately. The green- 
backs were invested in interest-bearing Government obligations. 
The bank bills were lent again on new discounts. The process con- 
tinued until the banks had accumulated bonds of nearly equal value 
to their bank bills floating in the community. The original assets 
remained untouched. They had acquired Government Bonds, in ad- 
dition, equal to their bank bills in circulation. Had they been com- 
pelled to sell their bonds and pa}' their own notes, they might per- 
haps have made treble interest, but beyond, they would have had 
only their original capital stock. They could have commenced bank- 
ing again as before the war, but this would not have suited the 
adventurers. The stock would not have been thrown upon the 
market. This the adventurers determined to force, no matter at 
what cost to the people. 

And they accomplished it effectually through the National Bank- 
ing system. Under it, the Government discounted their own obli- 
gations in National Bank bills to the banks for nothing, and yet 
paid gold interest on the discounted bonds deposited to secure their 
return. With these bills the banks retired their floating bills. The 
original assets were now no longer required. The adventurers had 



14 

secured their object. Local hank hills were subjected to heavy tax- 
ation, and forced from circulation. And the railroad stocks, being 
no longer required as assets, became speculative merchandise. 

Hugh M'Culloch, late Secretary of the Treasury, and the efficient 
promoter of the national banking system, now openly urges the dis- 
franchisement of the victims of his policy. Thoroughly devoted to 
the work of establishing European systems of finance in this country, 
the only intent of which, are permanently to enrich the few and to 
impoverish and enslave the many, he would deprive the wronged and 
injured of any means of redress through the ballot. Under his poli- 
cy, already adopted, the number of the homeless are rapidly increas- 
ing. His complete success will end our Republic and involve all in 
one common ruin. No lesson in history is more conclusively taught. 
A similar policy ruined the once enterprising Italian republics of 
the Middle ages, and plunged the people of Spain, then the mistress 
of the world, into a condition little above barbarism. It has been 
shown that his national banking policy permitted banks to obtain 
gold interest on their deposited bonds, "together with their issues of 
bank hills, almost without cost or exertion. Banking is now prose- 
cuted on the people's capital, and the interest on the bonds depos- 
ited, and the profits on the bank bills issued, belong justly to the 
people alone. The system is thoroughly dishonest, and it has cor- 
rupted the heretofore' honest bankers. It has bred fraudulent for- 
tunes, corrupted \ipright men, and upset honest industry. It has 
compelled honest men and patriots to consolidate themselves into a 
new party in the interests of humanity. This party challenges in- 
vestigation, and seeks to avoid error. Its members are banded in a 
common cause to protect each other, and to disarm senseless preju- 
dice. And thoroughly in earnest, neither "the flaunting of the 
bloody shirt" nor the false cry of *'gold and honest money,' can 
nuuh longer deceive the people. 

The local bank securities being no longer required, were put on 
the market and excited the wildest speculation. The adventurers, 
througli their system of margins, were, from time to time, eualiled to 
control the meetings of any corporation. By detail, the stockhold- 
ers' meetings were captured, and adventurers secured the offices. 
The process has for some time been carried on. until the adventur- 
ers, through the supply of the necessaries of life, have nearly control 
of the country. The process has been carried on in detail, and can 
only he arrested by the union of honest men. Their success has 
been marked by the acquisition of colossal fortunes on the part of 
the adventurer.s, and. as well by the destruction of the value of stock 
on the part of the bona-fide holders as by the destruction of the 
hoim-s and industries of the people. Without a prompt defeat of 
thi'ir allies— the Republican party — the great avenues of trade will 
fnll miller the absolute control of men of immense wealth, whose 
extortions will bring ruin to the people, and will destroy all tlie im- 
munities of homes. 

And in the accomplishment of these usurpations, the Federal 



15 

Courts, in whose care and keeping tlie outer bulwarks, erected and 
skilfully planned b}- our fathers for the preservation of our freedom, 
our property and our homes, were placed, have been all important 
factors. When in the original charter of a corporation, reservations 
have been made in favor of the people, as for instance, when railroad 
fares were limited, the Courts have not intervened to protect the 
people. Such reservations, made in the charter, are subsequently 
impaired by legislation. The charter has been pronounced by the 
Federal Courts a contract, and the rights secured to the people are 
secured by such contract. The people, while mad with sectional 
rage, have' been recreant in their duties, both towards themselves and 
their posterity, and have sutfered the emissaries of these adventurers 
to mould legislation, and to impair the people's rights. And while 
this was being accomplished, the judiciary, constituted as the guards 
and watchmen of the people, have sounded no alarm. They are ar- 
rayed against the people. They find in the precedents of European 
despotism efficient aids in their work, and they use them unsparing- 
ly. And while, in those European despotisms, absolute power is 
reserved to abolish and destroy a corporation when it becomes op- 
pressive to the people, these Courts have denied either to Congress 
or the States, any power of relief. The legislation necessary to 
protect the people from corporate aggression, whether enacted in a 
State or by Congress, is immediately declared null and void. Im- 
perialism finds in our courts of justice most efficient aids. 

In the face of the fact that the people of this country possess the 
power of the ballot, it is strange that they suffer extortion to be so 
successfully practised. While our whole army, during the entire war 
of the Rebellion received for their aggregate pay, but $500,000,000, 
twenty of these adventurers may be found who have accumulated, for 
thems^elves, wealth to an equal amount. Was the war prosecuted for 
their benefit alone? Now the people realize the fact, will they re- 
main inactive and suffer themselves to be bound hand and foot? 
These immense fortunes were never gathered by fair means, l)ut 
through extortion, through robbing the laborer of his wages, through 
depriving the people of their property and their homes, through the 
repudiation of contracts for the benefit of the people. If one hundred 
working men toiled every working day for one thousand years, and 
laid aside one dollar per day during the entire period, the aggregate 
sum, so accumulated, would not equal the wealth of one of the ad- 
venturers, extorted from the people since the war. Homes are 
decreasing in numbers. Enterprises conducted by the people are 
becoming unprofitable. Accumulated fortunes, the result of a life's 
earnest labor, are melting as snow before the vernal sun. And yet 
men remain blind and infatuated with prejudice and passion. 

While inflaming sectional strife, the partisans are removing the 
control of the army from the representatives of the people, so that 
the adventurers and their confederates may be better protected and 
sustained in their work of destruction, uml so that the liberties of 
the people nnd the immunities of home may, one after another and 



16 

bv detail, be destroyed. Since the war, and while people were blind 
with passion, legislators, friendly to the schemes of the adventurers, 
were easily elected. There could not be then, too many legislators, 
too much legislation. Now when the people are awakening, the ad- 
venturers have suddenly discovered we have, too many legislators, 
too much legislation, and therefore they would abolish frequent ses- 
sions, and frequent elections. It is well known they advocate the 
disfranchisement of voters. The people now need honest legislators to 
unravel the tissue of fraud pervading our law. We have had too 
much legislation, but such legislation was in tiie interest of the ad- 
venturers, and procured while the people were blind. The cry of 
too much legislation, at this time, is a new fraud. The schemes of 
the adventurers are now well laid, and the process of impoverishing 
and rol)bing the people is now being rapidly accomplished. Procras- 
tination is all they desire. Once enveloped in their net of fraud, 
they expect to render the future struggles of the people, hopeless. 
Our liberties will then be subverted. 

Do any infatuated men dream, that while all others are in peril, 
they and theirs alone are safe? Look about. Who are broken 
down? Who are ruined and homeless? Among them, count the 
noblest men ; they who were kindest to their dependents and em- 
ployes ; they who loved to, see homes multiplying, and men contented 
and happy. Go, deluded (nan! Go home to the bosom of your 
family. Take the little ones you love so well, upon your knees. 
Tell them how hard you are toiling for their benefit. Tell them how 
much time, labor, cost and anxiety their education, their care and 
their future welfare cost you. Tell them you will soon become old 
and feeble, and may soon need their protection, as they now receive 
yours. And then in silent communion with yourself, ask yourself 
what you are doing for tliem. Cast aside your prejudices and ^-our 
senseless passions, and recall how men's fortunes and men's homes 
are falling from them. Look on the ruin inscribed on the records of 
our Probate Courts. You have educated your children so that the 
miseries of poverty will be harder to bear ; you have clothed them 
in soft raiment, so'that the coarser garments will irritate their ten- 
der tlesh ; you have bred them in luxury, so that their future want 
may be more excruciating. To all these miseries, you may be iloom- 
ing' your children. You are destroying the dignity of labor; you 
are breaking duwn the spirit of manliood ; you are desecrating the 
sanctity of homes. Oh fathers ! if you love your little ones, tear 
from your eyes Hie scales of prejudice, do your duty as men. and 
unborn generations will bless you. 



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